Security at the University of Cincinnati
Abigail Doran
University of Cincinnati
PSYCH 5051
March 8, 2023
Methods
This project is a course-based interview study. The project aims to enhance security at the
University of Cincinnati. The University of Cincinnati is a public university located in the urban
city of Cincinnati. As part of our capstone psychology class, enhancing campus security is vital
as it involves analyzing people’s behavior. The capstone course is called Community Research
and involves first hand collection, interpretation, and conclusion of our data. The goal is to
investigate how psychological research can be utilized to speak to real world issues. Our class on
psychology prepares us to identify different people’s behaviors and compare them to real-life
circumstances. All students in our class receive ethical training before engaging in the research
process.
Participants
The participants of this community interview study had an average age of 21.5. There
were 12 female, 2 male, and 1 non-binary. Of the 15 total participants, 6 were psychology
students and 73% of the participants are expecting to graduate in the spring of 2023. Over half of
those surveyed are employed while attending school, while 60% of those working reported an
income of less than $10,000 a year, and 53% of the participants identified as White . Refer to
Table 1 for socio-demographic data.
Table 1: Socio-demographic Survey Results
Measure
Gender
Race/Ethnicity
Expected Graduation
Student Status
Major
Employment Status
Income
Student Loans
Items
Male
Female
Non-binary
White
Hispanic
African American not Hispanic
American Indian
White not Hispanic
African American
Summer 2023
Spring 2023
Fall 2023
Spring 2024
Transfer Student
Non-traditional
Live on campus
Live off campus
First generation college student
DACA
International student
Psychology
Organizational leadership
Biological sciences w/ pre-med cert.
Biology
English
Nursing
Biological sciences
Interdisciplinary
Social Work
Employed 20 hours
Not employed, not looking for work
Not employed, looking for work
$0-$9,999
$10,000-$24,999
$25,000-$49,999
Yes
No
Frequency Percentage
2
13.33%
12
80.00%
1
6.67%
2
13.33%
1
6.67%
1
6.67%
2
13.33%
8
53.33%
1
6.67%
1
6.67%
11
73.33%
2
13.33%
1
6.67%
5
33.33%
1
6.67%
7
46.67%
8
53.33%
2
13.33%
1
6.67%
0
0.00%
6
40.00%
2
13.33%
1
6.67%
1
6.67%
1
6.67%
1
6.67%
1
6.67%
1
6.67%
1
6.67%
7
46.67%
4
26.67%
1
6.67%
3
20.00%
9
60.00%
4
26.67%
2
13.33%
9
60.00%
6
40.00%
Data Collection
The data for the study was collected using semi-structured interviews. The surveys were
formal and appropriate and consistented of 14 questions on a socio-demographic questionnaire
such as age, major and minor, gender, race/ethnicity, expected graduation, student status,
income, and identity. This information can be useful to identify trends across our demographic
segments. The identity of the participants were kept confidential to prevent biased responses.
The participants were informed about their participation in the study to get their consent and
make them aware of their participation (Engel et al., 2014). This survey took less than 5 minutes
to complete. Consequently, the data collected from the surveys was only used for its intended
purpose.
The interviews were confidential and were conducted by researchers. The participants
were informed about their consent before the interviews. They were free to omit their names
from the interviews. The objective of the interviews was to gather data on a variety of research
subtopics and identify student viewpoints on these systems. There were six major parts for the
survey including belongingness and diversity, mental health, financial support, safety, sexual
health education and planning for post graduate life. Participants were questioned 40 interview
questions, some questions included many parts or explanation.
Researchers performed interviews as a part of a larger study with assistance at the
University of Cincinnati. Students in the Community Research capstone were instructed to carry
out collaborative research methods in the manner of collecting data for other research topics.
Student researchers were to enlist Arts & Sciences majors graduating in the next year to
interview. A mock interview was performed by the instructor to safeguard that researchers would
be assured in performing their own interviews. Data collected in the interviews were then
distributed among the class. Interview findings were then divided and shared with researchers of
the corresponding questions.
Descriptive statistics were utilized to report who contributed in the study. The
sociodemographic survey was concluded by participants as a method of descriptive statistics.
This background understanding is beneficial when analyzing repeated topics discovered in
analysis. Interview subject matter was recorded by researchers precisely. Next, thematic analysis
was utilized to analyze qualitative data in the manner of interviews (Braun & Clarke, 2006).
Researchers discovered, evaluated, and explained subjects contained inside the qualitative data.
Subjects were correlated to answers focusing in on certain research questions. Conclusions of the
thematic analysis are illustrated in the Results section.
Positionality
As a student at the University of Cincinnati, this study is connected to my research as it
involves psychology. This project is a capstone project as it is a requirement to graduate with a
Bachelor’s in Psychology. I am a 19-year-old female born in the United States. I was raised
middle-class and identify as a white, heterosexual female. Based on these salient identities, I
discovered I associated generally to the topic of safety at the University of Cincinnati. My
identity as a female structured by what means I see my physical safety here on campus. I believe
my age, size and gender make me more susceptible to unsafe circumstances. This subject is
something everybody can connect to. I have felt unsafe on campus on multiple instance and have
undergone verbal harassment and worry about the threat of physical aggression. The motivation
behind this research is to listen to what the remainder of UC student community feels is vital to
enhance their encounters on campus. Collective experiences by peer undergraduates can be
utilized to communicate a significant meaning regarding safety fears at the University of
Cincinnati.
References
Braun, V., & Clarke, V. (2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in
Psychology, 3(2), 77-101.
Engel, R. S., Isaza, G., Ozer, M., & Madero, A. (2014). 2013 Campus Crime Report.
https://www.uc.edu/content/dam/refresh/publicsafety-62/docs/reform/ics-2015-campuscrime-report.pdf
Hipple, N. K., & Hunter, B. D. (2022). The Use of Force in Higher Education Policing:
Implications for Policy and Practice. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, 16(3),
476-492. https://academic.oup.com/policing/article-abstract/16/3/476/6566277
Lim, H. J. (2015). Crime reduction effects of open-street CCTVs in Cincinnati. The University
of Cincinnati.
https://search.proquest.com/openview/ac718b5fa769910296ac4a8b81f09216/1?pqorigsite=gscholar&cbl=18750
WRITING
RESULTS
March 23, 2023
TODAY…
• Dissecting an article
• How to write a results section
3
DISSECTING AN
ACADEMIC ARTICLE
•
•
•
Pair up with your research partner
Open Frith & Gleeson (2004) on Canvas
For each section: what is purpose of this section? What are the
authors trying to do?
4
SCANNING THE ARTICLE
•
•
•
Read the abstract
Read the first two paragraphs and the very last paragraph of the introduction
Read the last paragraph of the discussion
•
What is the topic of this research article?
•
For the following sections, start by reading the first sentence of each paragraph. This
should give a pretty good idea of the content and purpose of that paragraph
5
INTRODUCTION
What are the authors doing in each of these
sections?
•
•
•
•
First two paragraphs
Clothing Practices
Appearance and Body Image
Final paragraph
6
METHOD
In each subsection, identify what information is included
•
•
•
Participants
Procedure
Analysis
7
RESULTS
•
First paragraph
What information is included in each theme? How are these sections structured similarly to
each other?
• Theme 1: Men Value Practicality
• Theme 2: Men Should Not Care How They Look
• Theme 3: Clothes Are Used to Conceal or Reveal
• Theme 4: Clothes Are Used to Fit a Cultural Ideal
8
DISCUSSION
What is the purpose of each paragraph in the discussion. Start by reading the first sentence of
each paragraph.
•
•
•
•
Paragraph 1
Paragraph 2
Paragraph 3
Paragraph 4
WRITING A
RESULTS SECTION
Slides adapted from Carlie Trott and Stephanie Lam
DIFFERENCES
RESULTS
DISCUSSION
•
Report what you did
•
Interpret what you did
•
Includes all new information
•
Include NO new information
•
Will have lots of data
(themes and quotes)
•
Should have no or little data
RESEARCH
QUESTIONS: REVIEW
1.
2.
Your introduction section reviews the literature and sets the
stage for your specific research question.
Your introduction should focus on the TOPIC within your
research question.
RESULTS SECTION
•
•
Organize results around themes you found
Begin your Results section with an Intro Paragraph:
• First, remind the reader that this study aims to address your research
question.
• Example: “The present study examines how COVID-19 has
impacted college students’ alcohol use.”
• Then, state that you found X number of themes.
• Example: “Four major themes emerged during analysis. They
were: (1) Drinking more; (2) Drinking less; (3) Isolation; and (4)
Health.”
• The number of major themes you found could be more or less
than four.
RESULTS WRITING…
• Example: Imagine your research
question was… “How has COVID-19
impacted college students’ alcohol
use?”
• Your Results section should answer your
research question.
• Your answers will come from the themes
you found in the interview transcripts.
RESULTS SECTION
•
After, your Intro paragraph, organize your qualitative results into
meaningful chunks
• In our example, there would be 4 Major Sections (1 per
major theme)
• Key Sub-Themes should be headings within sections
(see next slide)
• Describe major themes by naming them and providing
example quotes.
15
EXAMPLE RESULTS OUTLINE
•
•
–
–
–
Results
Intro paragraph
Theme 1: Drinking More
– Bored.
– Depressed.
(Include quotes for each theme and sub-theme)
Theme 2: Drinking Less
– Social drinking.
– Broke.
Theme 3: Isolation
Theme 4: Health
16
FILLING IN FINDINGS: EXCERPT EXAMPLE
Drinking Less
Many participants reported drinking less during the pandemic. This was either because they
were no longer seeing friends and going to parties as often. Others said that, due to the
economic impact of the pandemic, they could no longer afford to buy alcohol.
Social drinking. Several participants said they were social drinkers, and social distancing
meant being around friends less often. Consequently, these participants reported consuming
alcohol less frequently than before the pandemic. For example, a female college student said,
“I just don’t drink alone, so no parties meant no drinking.” A male participant expressed a
similar view, saying:
I’m not a big drinker anyway, so when the pandemic hit and I stopped seeing friends
as much, I drank
way less often. It’s probably good for me, but I hardly noticed until you
asked.
17
YOUR RESULTS: EXAMPLE ORGANIZATION
•
•
–
–
–
Results
Intro paragraph
Theme 1
– Sub-Theme 1
– Sub-Theme 2
(Include quotes for each theme and sub-theme)
Theme 2
– Sub-Theme 1
– Sub-Theme 2
– Sub-Theme 3
Theme 3
Theme 4 (Not all themes will have sub-themes)
Theme 5
– Sub-Theme 1
– Sub-Theme 2
18
REPORTING QUALITATIVE RESULTS
DO:
• Use language that you can picture yourself saying out loud.
• Use a table to summarize findings if it makes more sense to do so than to describe
findings in a paragraph
• Use the APA manual to know how to format quotes.
DON’T:
• Assume the reader knows what we did. Explain it!
• Talk about the analysis process. (This only appears in the Methods section.)
• Make any recommendations in your Results section. (This will go in the Discussion.)
19
REPORTING QUALITATIVE RESULTS
•
Report the theme, describe the theme, and consider using examples that exemplify that
theme.
• NEVER include info that could reveal a person’s identity
• Choose quotes that seem to truly exemplify the theme in the most effective way
•
How to quote someone
• Long vs. Short quote: Sometimes brief is best.
• Can include pseudonym and any demographic information you feel is needed (keep
format consistent)
20
REPORTING QUALITATIVE RESULTS
•
•
Do not use bullets with quotations; Do not use numbers
to list quotations. Follow APA style.
No need to quantify our findings using specific numbers
• DO NOT SAY: “Four participants said…”
• DO THIS INSTEAD: “Several students said…”
• Rather than numbers: Use words like “several”
“some” “many” “most” “often” “the majority”
“fewer” “rarely” and “less common,” etc.
21
RESULTS “TO-DO” LIST
–
Review all transcripts for your research question
Analyze the responses
– What are people saying?
– Are there common responses?
– How do you want to group them?
– What themes stand out?
– Are there sub-themes?
– What about contrasts or contradictions?
– Were there conflicting findings?
– If so, report it! Variation is good.
– Example: “Not everyone in the study felt this way. For example, one
participant said…”
TIPS
•
You will probably have at least 3 and no more than 5
major themes.
•
If you have more than this, can they be grouped
into fewer major themes, with sub-themes?
•
Your Results section should be about 5 to 7 pages,
double-spaced (12 font, Times New Roman, 1-inch
margins).
•
Use APA Style (7th edition) to format your headings and
quotes.
23
Results and discussion section due
April 4th at 11:59pm
Rubric will be posted tomorrow
afternoon
NEXT WEEK
Tuesday
• Read Ch. 8
• Respect for Diversity
• How to write a discussion
section
Thursday
• Read Ch. 7
• Practice Competencies
WRITING A
DISCUSSION
SECTION
March 28, 2023
2
EXTRA CREDIT
•
•
•
•
•
Thursday, March 30th, 9:30 – 11 am in Edwards 4124 (CAP
seminar room)
Participate in three 15 minute experiments
Send me an email with the experiments you participated in
10 points extra credit
Email the instructor if you’d like to participate but can’t make the
class time
DIFFERENCES
RESULTS
DISCUSSION
•
Report what you did
•
Interpret what you did
•
Includes all new information
•
Include NO new information
•
Will have lots of data
(themes and quotes)
•
Should have no or little data
4
GOALS OF DISCUSSION
Nutshell Goal:
What did you do and why does it matter?
1.
2.
3.
4.
Restate the major findings of the study and
interpret them
Give take-home messages that are logical
conclusions of your study
Discuss the strengths and limitations of the study
Suggest avenues for future research
1. INTERPRETATION
•
•
Restate your research question
Highlight your major findings one at a time
After you point out the major findings,
unpack it.
• What do you think this finding means?
• How does it relate to prior research? Is this
finding a surprise or is it consistent with what
others have found?
• If this is a surprise, talk about why you think it
might have turned out this way.
2. TAKE-HOME
MESSAGES
Taken together, what do your results say about your
topic?
What is the big picture? What are the implications of
your work? Why should anyone care?
3. STRENGTHS & LIMITATIONS
What are the strengths of the study? Why does this
study significantly add to the literature?
Why should we be careful in generalizing our results to
other people in other settings?
What were the limitations of:
our class?
our methods?
4. FUTURE
RESEARCH
This should lead very nicely from the Limitations.
What kind of research needs to be done in the future to
improve upon what we did?
What new questions came up as a result of this study?
Don’t be vague here. “More research is needed on the
impact of COVID-19 on college students” is not specific
enough.
OTHER STUFF
Incorporate References
• APA style – 7th edition
Final paper:
– Discussion section is due with your results section
– 2 – 3 manuscript pages
QUESTIONS?
• Results section?
• Discussion section?
RESPECT FOR
DIVERSITY
12
UNDERSTANDING DIFFERENT
CULTURES
COMPETENCE
Definition
• Having knowledge and
appreciation cultural differences
• On going process
• Finite, definitive
Examples
• Knowing differences
• Speaking another language
HUMILITY
Definition
• Acknowledging lack of knowledge
in the learning process
• Being open to learning
Examples
• Recognizing that someone might
experience something differently
and then being curious about how
13
CLASS ACTIVITY
Mind mapping!
Research topic: Access to health care in Cincinnati
As a research team, think through the different dimensions of
diversity in the chapter and how you might approach your research
topic with cultural humility. What questions come up? What other
social identities might be important to pay attention to in this
research topic?
THURSDAY
• Read Ch. 7 Practice
Competencies
• In class activity: case
study
RESULTS SECTION
1. Included all the relevant results for research question(s)
(10 pts)
Intro paragraph restates the research question and
provides brief overview of themes.
Organized well: Major themes are major headings and
sub-themes are sub-headings
Results section names each theme and provides
example quotes for each theme
Does NOT talk about analysis process in Results
section (only in Methods)
Included correct and sufficient data to address the
research question
2. Reported results accurately and concisely
(10 pts)
Correctly formatted quotations according to APA style
Does NOT include personally identifiable information
Does NOT quantify the interview results
Only reported results, did not include interpretation of
result or any opinion about results
Reported results using sentences that can be easily
understood by non-academics
Optional: Appropriate use of table(s) (e.g., clarified
results, were not too overwhelming, placed
appropriately close to the reported results)
Results section is visually pleasing, with easy to read
paragraphs, quotes, and/or tables/graphs that look
nice
Overall, successfully reported results
3. Overall
(3 pts)
APA Style used correctly
Writing has clearly been edited (typos and sentence
fragments have been removed, effort has been made to
use concise and clear writing)
General Comments:
Yes
Somewhat
No
Yes
Somewhat
No
Yes
Somewhat
No
DISCUSSION SECTION
1. Organized Discussion section in intentional, meaningful way
(5 pts)
Yes
Introduction paragraph highlights main findings
Included paragraphs interpreting main findings,
including explanations for the results and implications
for the future
Somewhat
2. Included discussion of most important results addressing research question
(5 pts)
Yes
Somewhat
Discussed findings related to the research question
Claims made in Discussion section are linked directly
to Results section
Unpacks the findings…why did we get the results we
got?
3. Other Discussion Section
(7 pts)
Ties findings back into the previous literature
discussed in the introduction (minimum 2 references)
Discusses strengths of our study
Discusses limitations of our study
Makes suggestions for future research (can come
directly from limitations)
Did not include any new results
Written well- clear and concise language with good
sentence structure
Discussion flowed well from start to finish
Well-written, clear conclusion
Comments:
Yes
Somewhat
No
No
No
Timestamp
Did you complete an interview
Whoabout
interviewed
social support
you? atPsuedonym
UC?
How old are you?
Are you a student in the College
When of
doArts
you &expect
Sciences
to graduate
atPlease
the University
from
check
college?
allofthat
Cincinnati?
applyWhat
about
(Ifisnot
your
your
please
student
major?
specify)
statusIf(add
you anything
have a minor,
else you
please
feel
Which
specify.
is relevant
of the to
following
Other):categories
What was
bestyour
describes
incomeyour
lastUpon
employment
year?graduation,
(Just you,
status?
will
not you
yourhave
What
household)
student
is your gender?
loans?
Please indicate your race or
Doethnicity.
you identify
(Check
as any
all that
of the
apply)
following?
2/21/2023 15:38:10 Yes
Tori Gilton
Taylor
22 Yes
Summer 2023
I am a transfer student, I lived
Psychology
off campus for most of college
Employed, working 1-19 hours
$0 toper
$9,999
week
Yes
Nonbinary
American Indian or Alaskan
I am
Native,
not Hispanic,
White
Spanish, or Latino
2/21/2023 15:42:57 Yes
Alli Schmidt
Amanda
22 Yes
Spring 2023
I am a transfer student, I lived
Organizational
on campusLeadership
for most of college
Employed, working 1-19 hours
$10Kper
– $24,999
week
No
Male
White
2/21/2023 16:02:37 Yes
Shreya Nannapuraju
Riley
22 Yes
Spring 2023
I lived on campus for mostBiological
of college,sciences
I am a first
withgeneration
pre-medicine
Chemistry
college
minor
certificate
student, I am
Employed,
a DACAworking
student 1-19 hours
$10Kper
– $24,999
week
Yes
Female
Hispanic – Mexican-American
Mexican-American
2/21/2023 17:33:31 Yes
Ryan Hummel
Alex
22 Yes
Spring 2023
I lived on campus for mostPsychology
of college, I am a first generation
Criminalcollege
Justicestudent
No
Female
Black or African American Iand
am not
not Hispanic,
Hispanic, Spanish,
Spanish, or
or Latino
Latino
2/21/2023 18:29:06 Yes
Greta Davis
Lori
22 Yes
Spring 2023
I am a transfer student, I am
Biology
a “non-traditional” student
Spanish
(e.g. older than 24, haveNot
dependents,
employed, delayed
looking for
college
work
$0 toenrollment
$9,999
after highschool),
Yes
I lived off campus for
Female
most of college
White and not Hispanic, Spanish,
I am notorHispanic,
Latino Spanish, or Latino
2/21/2023 19:25:54 Yes
Anna and Rachel
Max
22 Yes
Spring 2023
I lived off campus for mostPsychology
of college
2/21/2023 20:38:01 Yes
Emalyn Kuhnell
Mary
21 Yes
Spring 2023
I lived on campus for mostPsychology
of college
2/21/2023 21:40:01 Yes
Hyun
Princess
21 Yes
Spring 2023
2/21/2023 21:45:41 Yes
Hyun
Batman
22 Nursing
2/22/2023 7:20:34 Yes
Jordan Cunningham and Fran
Indira
Collins
2/22/2023 8:48:32 Yes
Madison and Tori
2/23/2023 15:14:19 Yes
Not employed, NOT looking
$0for
to work
$9,999
Not employed, looking for work
$10K – $24,999
No
Male
White and not Hispanic, Spanish,
I am notorHispanic,
Latino Spanish, or Latino
Employed, working 1-19 hours
$0 toper
$9,999
week
Yes
Female
White
I lived on campus for mostSecondary
of college Education for English
N/A
Employed, working 1-19 hours
$0 toper
$9,999
week
No
Female
White and not Hispanic, Spanish,
I am notorHispanic,
Latino Spanish, or Latino
Spring 2023
I lived off campus for mostNursing
of college
Employed, working 21-40 hours
$0 to $9,999
per week
Yes
Female
White and not Hispanic, Spanish,
I am notorHispanic,
Latino Spanish, or Latino
22 Yes
Spring 2023
I am a transfer student, I lived
Psychology
off campus for most of college
Employed, working 21-40 hours
$0 to $9,999
per week
Yes
Female
Black or African American
Giselle
20 Yes
Fall 2023
I lived off campus for mostPsychology
of college
Employed, working 21-40 hours
$25K -per
$49,999
week
Yes
Female
White and not Hispanic, Spanish,
I am notorHispanic,
Latino Spanish, or Latino
Rachel and Anna
Lauren
21 Yes
Spring 2023
I lived off campus for mostOrganizational
of college
LeadershipMarketing
Not employed, looking for work
$0 to $9,999
No
Female
White and not Hispanic, Spanish,
I am notorHispanic,
Latino Spanish, or Latino
2/23/2023 21:30:12 Yes
Jillian Ketz
Ky
21 Yes
Spring 2023
I lived off campus for mostBiological
of collegeSciences
History
Employed, working 1-19 hours
$25Kper
– $49,999
week
No
Female
American Indian or Alaskan
I am
Native,
not Hispanic,
White andSpanish,
not Hispanic,
or Latino
Spanish, or Latino
2/23/2023 21:31:42 Yes
Jill& Lisa
Fran
21 Yes
Fall 2023
I am a transfer student, I lived
Interdisciplinary
on campus for most of college
Employed, working 1-19 hours
$0 toper
$9,999
week
Yes
Female
White and not Hispanic, Spanish,
I am notorHispanic,
Latino Spanish, or Latino
2/27/2023 13:23:22 Yes
Audree
Hannah
22 Arts & Science and Allied Health
Spring Sciences
2024
I lived on campus for mostSocial
of college
Work, Psychology
Employed, working 21-40 hours
$10K -per
$24,999
week
Yes
Female
White and not Hispanic, Spanish,
I am notorHispanic,
Latino Spanish, or Latino
21.53333333
Criminal Justice
N/A
Political Science
Psychology of Men & Masculinity
2004, Vol. 5, No. 1, 40–48
Copyright 2004 by the Educational Publishing Foundation
1524-9220/04/$12.00
DOI: 10.1037/1524-9220.5.1.40
Clothing and Embodiment: Men Managing Body Image
and Appearance
Hannah Frith and Kate Gleeson
This document is copyrighted by the American Psychological Association or one of its allied publishers.
This article is intended solely for the personal use of the individual user and is not to be disseminated broadly.
University of the West of England
Research suggests that cultural shifts in the ways men’s bodies are represented lead men to feel
increasingly dissatisfied with their appearance. Clothing is an ideal but underresearched mechanism for appearance management; however, little is known about men’s presentation of their
bodies through clothed displays. This article explores the ways in which men’s subjective feelings
about their bodies influence their clothing practices. Thematic analysis revealed 4 key themes:
practicality of clothing choices, lack of concern about appearance, use of clothing to conceal or
reveal the body, and use of clothing to fit cultural ideals. This article demonstrates the pervasive
and mundane role of clothing in men’s self-surveillance and self-presentation and the range and
complexity of the processes involved in clothing the body.
Although not typically addressed by psychologists,
we argue that men’s embodied clothing practices is
an interesting and important topic for several reasons.
First, research suggests that changing representations
of the male body make men increasingly aware of
and dissatisfied with bodies that do not meet this
cultural ideal. Although psychologists have looked to
extreme forms of body modification (e.g., plastic surgery, excessive exercise, bodybuilding) as evidence
of men’s attempts to mold their bodies to fit the ideal,
more mundane self-presentation strategies have been
overlooked. We propose that men’s clothing practices are an important and pervasive form of appearance management that reflects the continued monitoring of their visual selves.
Second, it is often assumed that men are uninterested in fashion and clothing, and most research focuses exclusively on women. However, analyses in
sociology and cultural studies suggest that changes in
the advertising of men’s clothing lead them to develop new, more narcissistic relationships to their
clothed selves. Little empirical research exploring the
possible impact of these trends on men’s clothing
practices exists. We aim to contribute to the existing
literature in these two disparate areas (clothing practices and body image) and to develop an analysis of
clothing as an embodied and situated practice (cf.
Entwistle, 2001).
Clothing Practices
Clothing and fashion are typically seen as frivolous, trivial, and inconsequential and have been dismissed as unworthy of serious academic analysis.
Within psychology, clothing is marginalized within
the narrowly focused field of person perception,
which addresses how clothing is perceived by others
rather than how the wearer uses clothing to construct
a particular image (see Damhorst, 1990, for an overview). This approach is limited because it uses artificial clothing stimuli (e.g., uniformed or ritualized
dress), ignores people’s everyday clothing practices,
and overlooks the context-specific meaning of clothing (Tsëlon, 2001). It also treats clothing as the expression of preexisting essentialized identities.
Only a handful of studies have investigated the
possible connections between body image and clothing practices, and all focus on women. These suggest
that women use clothing to manage their appearance
and camouflage their size and shape (Rudd & Lennon, 2000). Typically, these studies attempt to establish the existence of individual differences in clothing
practices and are underpinned by the assumption of a
causal relationship between body satisfaction and
clothing practices. Women who are less satisfied with
their body apparently choose clothing to conceal the
body, whereas those who are more satisfied choose
clothing to accentuate the body (Harden, Butler, &
Scheetz, 1998). When women “feel fat,” they use
clothes for comfort and camouflage; when they “feel
slim” they use clothes to express their individuality,
to gain confidence, and to look fashionable (Kwon &
Parham, 1994). However, women with different body
builds are equally interested in, and concerned about,
clothing (L. L. Davis, 1985), and women’s generally
Hannah Frith and Kate Gleeson, Centre for Appearance
Research, Schools of Psychology, University of the West of
England.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Hannah Frith, University of the West of England,
St. Matthias Campus, Oldbury Court Road, Fishponds, Bristol BS16 2JP, England.
40
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MEN MANAGING BODY IMAGE AND APPEARANCE
high interest in clothing makes it difficult to distinguish between different groups of women on the basis of clothing practices (Kwon, 1992). These contradictory findings suggest that our understanding of
the links between body image and clothing practices
is far from complete.
Psychological research on dress and clothing practices is concerned almost exclusively with women.
One rationale for this is that men are less interested in
clothing (Kwon, 1997; Minshall, Winakor, & Swinney, 1982; Solomon & Schloper, 1982), spend less
money on clothing (Crane, 2000; Nelson, 1989), and
are less involved in shopping for clothes (Peters,
1989). It is often assumed that
Men dress for fit and comfort rather than style; that
women dress and buy clothes for men; that men who
dress up are peculiar (one way or another); that men do
not notice clothes; and that most men have not been
duped into the endless pursuit of seasonal fads. (Craik,
1994, p. 176)
However, the rapid expansion of menswear since the
1980s (Edwards, 1997; Nixon, 1996; Spencer, 1992)
and the development of specialist style magazines
(such as Gentlemen’s Quarterly and Arena) enable
men to relate to their clothed bodies in new ways.
The fusion of consumption and identity apparent in
market segmentation places a greater emphasis on
narcissistic aspects of self previously unavailable to
men and evokes a greater emphasis on appearance
and display. Despite these trends, we could find no
studies that explore the interconnection of body image and clothing practices for men.
Appearance and Body Image
Most psychological research on body image focuses on women because it is assumed that they face
greater pressures than men to be a particular size and
shape. Such research adopts a causal model in which
cultural standards of beauty define unrealistic body
shapes as “ideal.” Consequently, women become dissatisfied with less than ideal bodies and adopt (more
or less) harmful practices to modify their bodies.
However, over the last 15 years, men have come
under increasing pressure to conform to the cultural
ideal of a lean, well-toned, muscular build, which is
reflected in cultural representations (Mishkind, Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1986; Mort, 1988;
Weinke, 1998). Male action toys (Pope, Olivardia,
Gruber, & Borowiecki, 1999) and male centerfolds
(Leit, Pope, & Grey, 2001) have become more muscular, and the naked male body has featured more
frequently in women’s magazines (Pope, Olivardia,
41
Borowiecki, & Cohane, 2001). A substantial and
growing proportion of men are dissatisfied with their
bodies (Mishkind et al., 1986), and the gap between
men’s and women’s dissatisfaction is decreasing
(McCaulay, Mintz, & Glenn, 1988). Men express
particular dissatisfaction with their biceps, shoulders,
chest, and muscle tone (Cash, Winstead, & Janda,
1986; Furnham & Greaves, 1994). Men’s ideal chest
size is often significantly larger than their actual
chest size (Thompson & Tantleff, 1992), and many
say they want a larger chest (Tantleff-Dunn &
Thompson, 2000). Men and boys do not necessarily
view thinness as an advantage and are as likely to
want to be bigger or heavier as they are to want to be
thinner (C. Davis & Cowles, 1991).
Many of the recognized psychometric scales may
misrepresent men’s dissatisfaction because they are
oriented toward concerns about being overweight
when men are equally concerned about being underweight (Grogan, 1999). In addition, more extreme
forms of body dissatisfaction and distortion are a
growing but underrecognized problem. Pope, Gruber,
Choi, Olivardia, and Phillips (1997) coined the term
muscle dysmorphia to describe a pathological preoccupation with muscularity and the perception of being small despite having a very muscular physique
(see also Olivardia, 2001). Others have proposed that
machismo nervosa, a psychological disorder manifested by excessive weight training, abnormal eating
habits, and cognitive abnormalities, may be connected to the hypermesomorphic ideal body image
(Connan, 1998).
Men engage in various practices to alter the shape
of their bodies and conform to the muscular ideal.
They exercise to gain weight, develop muscles, and
change their shape (C. Davis & Cowles, 1991); have
plastic surgery to swell their pectoral muscles
(Thompson, Heinberg, Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn,
1999); and use anabolic steroids to develop muscle
more quickly than is possible by weight training
alone (Rickert, Pawlak-Morello, Sheppard, & Jay,
1992; Wroblewska, 1997). These appearancemanagement techniques, ranging from the mundane
(e.g., daily grooming) to the extreme (e.g., cosmetic
surgery, self-starvation), provide further evidence of
men’s dissatisfaction. Although most psychological
research has, understandably, focused on those forms
of appearance management that directly impact on
health, this has been at the expense of theorizing the
links among body image, subjectivity, and everyday
practices. As Weinke (1998) noted,
The implication of existing research is that there are
great social-psychological costs for not fitting the cul-
42
FRITH AND GLEESON
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tural ideal. Yet this research does not consider the ways
men engage with, and actually respond to, the muscular ideal within the context of their everyday lives; nor
does it give attention to the strategies men use to make
sense of their own bodies in relation to the cultural
ideal. (p. 259)
We focus on mundane methods of appearance management, such as clothing practices, because this
form of body management is currently underrepresented in empirical research and may be more pervasive than other, more extreme forms of body modification. Specifically, we explore men’s subjective
understanding of the importance of their feelings
about their body in guiding their clothing practices
and whether men use clothing to alter their appearance by concealing or revealing particular aspects of
their body.
Method
Participants
Using an opportunity, snowball-sampling strategy,
undergraduate psychology students recruited 2 participants for a study on clothing and the body. A total
of 75 men participated. They ranged in age from 17
to 67 (M ⳱ 25.79 years, SD ⳱ 11.01 years), although the majority (74%) were in the 17- to 26-year
age group. Volunteers received no remuneration for
their participation. Most participants were White
(93.4%); 3.9% described themselves as Pakistani,
Black, and mixed race. Participants described the
main breadwinner in their household as an employer
or manager (28%), a higher professional (20%), an
intermediate professional (13%), or a lower professional (13%). Clearly, volunteer bias means that this
sample is not representative of the male population in
the United Kingdom, and the specificity of the
sample is acknowledged.
Procedure
Participants received a pack containing an information sheet, consent form, demographic form, and
The Clothing and the Body Questionnaire to complete. The information sheet outlined the purpose of
the research, the nature of their participation, how
data might be used, how to withdraw data, and, because body image is a sensitive topic, details about
relevant counseling services. The Clothing and the
Body Questionnaire contained four questions: How
much does the way you feel about your body influence the kinds of clothing you buy or wear? Do you
dress in a way that hides aspects of your body? Do
you dress in a way that emphasizes aspects of your
body? Is there anything else you think we should
know, or are there any questions we should have
asked but didn’t? Respondents were instructed to answer questions fully, giving specific examples and
spending some time thinking about their answers before they started to write. Spaces for written responses were provided, and once completed the
forms were returned in sealed envelopes.
Analysis
Responses were analyzed using the inductive thematic analysis procedure described by Hayes (2000).
First, the data were read carefully to identify meaningful units of text relevant to the research topic.
Second, units of text dealing with the same issue
were grouped together in analytic categories and
given provisional definitions. The same unit of text
could be included in more than one category. Third,
the data were systematically reviewed to ensure that
a name, definition, and exhaustive set of data to support each category were identified. The inductive thematic analysis resulted in 50 categories, which were
grouped into 5 key themes (see the Appendix for a
full list of themes). The analysis was exhaustive in
that 86.6% of the data were allocated to at least one
category. The coherence and replicability of the
themes were established by a second researcher who
recoded the first question (61.5% of the data) with a
high level of interrater reliability ( ⳱ 0.9089, SD ⳱
0.1382). Levels of agreement for individual categories are shown on Table 1.
Results
Although some men wrote at length about how
their use of clothing relates to their feelings about
their body, others wrote very little. The most verbose
responses were given to the first question, in which
men wrote an average of 68 words (SD ⳱ 41.48,
range ⳱ 3–206). In response to Questions 2 and 3,
which asked about whether clothing was used to hide
or emphasize the body, men wrote an average of
17.96 (SD ⳱ 13.35, range ⳱ 1–67) and 18.08 (SD ⳱
18.49, range ⳱ 1–78) words, respectively. Analysis
of these responses revealed four key themes1: (a)
Men value practicality, (b) men should not care about
1
To aid readability, categories of each theme are presented followed by the number of units relating to each
category in brackets.
MEN MANAGING BODY IMAGE AND APPEARANCE
43
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Table 1
The Level of Agreement Between Two Analysts in Coding the Themes
Theme
Agreement quality
1. Comfort is my priority.
2. I like to stand out.
3. I like to blend in.
4. I like to look masculine.
5. I want to look heterosexual.
6. I want to look muscled.
7. Continuity in appearance is valued.
8. Age affects choice.
9. Emphasis on functionality/practicality/purpose
10. Clothes are used to communicate about roles.
11. I respond to fashion.
12. I am not a fashion victim.
13. I don’t want to appear vain.
14. We shouldn’t care too much about appearance.
15. I like labels.
16. I hate labels.
17. I like my clothes to fit well.
18. I use clothing to motivate weight loss.
19. I want clothes to flatter my body.
20. I want to make my body attractive to women.
21. I want to look taller.
22. I want to appear slim.
23. I don’t want to appear too slim.
24. I want to hide my body.
25. My physical size limits what I can wear.
26. The shape of my body is irrelevant.
27. Using clothes to look attractive is not an issue for
men.
28. My style is important.
29. I like to look tidy.
30. Clothing choices are linked to confidence.
31. There is pressure from others about appearance.
32. Look good
33. Cost is an issue.
34. Not being smart
35. Clothes affect people’s judgments.
36. I use clothes to communicate.
37. Acceptance!
38. It matters!
0.913
1
0.765
1
1
0.871
1
0.600
0.859
0.600
0.818
1
1
1
0.846
1
0.789
0.429
1
1
0.875
1
1
0.945
0.882
0.956
Very good
Very good
Good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Good
Very good
Good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Good
Moderate
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
1
0.692
1
1
1
0.840
1
1
1
1
0.857
1
Very good
Good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
Very good
how they look, (c) clothes are used to conceal or
reveal, and (d) clothes fit a cultural ideal.
Men Value Practicality
Perhaps unsurprisingly, men emphasized the importance of practical rather than aesthetic aspects of
clothing. Clothes should be functional [14]; they
should be fit for purpose, practical, and necessary for
everyday living: “The clothes I buy tend to have a
specific purpose and function.” The prioritization of
comfort [34] suggests that, although other factors do
affect clothing choice, for many men “comfort and
practicability comes first.” To look good and feel
comfortable clothes must fit well [13]: “I think I
spend most effort on finding the best fitting/most
comfortable clothes at a particular occasion.” There
are constraints on finding clothing to meet their
needs, which relate to the cost of clothes [5] and the
fact that physical size imposes limitations on finding
suitable clothes [12]. The frustration of trying to fit
into average-sized clothing was tangible for unusually tall, broad-shouldered, or short men: “I’m not
short but I find trousers are often too long, making
me fairly paranoid in the length of my legs.”
This approach might have been predicted by marketing research literature and by gender stereotypes.
Although women see shopping as an opportunity to
“try on” new identities (and, therefore, try on a number of different outfits), men regard shopping simply
as a process of acquiring new clothes; if a garment fits correctly, then they are likely to buy it
44
FRITH AND GLEESON
(Underhill, 1999). The look of the garment is apparently irrelevant.
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Men Should Not Care How They Look
A second theme depicts a lack of concern with, or
rejection of, the importance of appearance. Few men
argued that body shape does matter [9]; many more
argued that the shape of their body is irrelevant [30],
that it does not influence their choice of clothing, and
that they are not unduly concerned about their appearance. A typical response was: “I don’t tend to be
concerned about the way I look when I shop for
clothes.” Some men insisted that we should not care
too much about appearance [7] (e.g., “you should not
be overly concerned with your appearance as it is not
the most important thing in life”). Such responses
map onto male gender stereotypes, which suggest
that men are not supposed to be interested in shopping, adornment, and appearance.
Despite this apparent lack of concern, many participants described in detail how their clothing practices were influenced by their feelings about their
body:
I don’t really choose clothing in relation to my body.
But I guess when I try them on then I am taking into
account how they look on me and my body.
I am not very fussed about my body or the way it looks
to extremes. I am aware that clothing is able to make
the body look better and sometimes I will use this to
improve my appearance.
Men talked about wanting to look good [12] and
wanting clothes that flatter the body [16]. They demonstrate expertise in self-presentation and knowledge
about which styles complement their particular body
shape. They use vertical stripes, the “shirt over the
T-shirt” trick, and dark colors to streamline their
shape and enhance their appearance. As one said, “I
do not have a complex about my body, but I do know
what type of clothing makes the most of my build.”
Men’s purported lack of interest in the body is undermined by their careful attention to their clothed
appearance.
Clothes Are Used to Conceal or Reveal
Men’s concerns about their appearance were highlighted when they wrote about using clothing to hide
the body [64], often to conceal being overweight.
If I am feeling fat or unappealing, then the clothes I
buy will be thicker, darker, or less revealing.
I tend to wear baggy tops to hide my stomach depending on how I am feeling about myself on the day.
Clothing practices were linked to confidence with the
body [9]. As 1 participant noted, “I am not very confident about my body as I am very thin and don’t
have much muscle tone. So, I tend to wear loose
fitting clothes to give the impression that I appear to
be larger than I actually am.”
Some men felt they had nothing to hide [18] and
wrote about wanting to display their bodies [15] and
to emphasize particular parts of the body [29]. One
wrote, “My bum is my best feature and it is important
to me that my trousers, including jeans, fit nicely.”
Some clearly had mixed feelings about displaying the
body [17], wanting to both display and conceal different aspects. Men are engaged in an ongoing negotiation body display, which takes into account their
changing perceptions of their physical shape.
If I’m thinking I’m a fat git, I’ll have a tendency to
wear loose clothes and adhere to various methods employed to make a person look thinner (e.g., a shirt over
a T-shirt). However, on a day when I’m feeling good,
I’ll be thinking under that fat is a reasonable-sized pair
of pecs and I’ll wear something accordingly.
Shifts in attitudes to the body and its display occur on
a daily basis, and clothing becomes involved in an
ongoing negotiation of the body as men try literally
to get it into shape.
My wardrobe is full of a variety of different styles that
satisfy how I feel about my body at the time.
I often buy clothing that I don’t intend to wear until I
broaden (arms and upper body) like vests and tank
tops.
These men are clearly concerned with appearance
and the deliberate “performance” of appearance involving revealing, concealing, and displaying the
body. Decisions about revealing and concealing the
body are not simple, one-time event choices; men
monitor a range of factors in making such decisions.
Ideas about self-presentation shift depending on
whether one is having a “fat day” or a “thin day,”
suggesting that body image is not a fixed essence for
our participants but rather a matter of negotiation.
Clothes Are Used to Fit a Cultural Ideal
The final theme highlights the pressure to conform
to an idealized male body that is tall, muscular, and
slim. Some men show an awareness of this ideal but
do not find it particularly problematic. Instead, they
express an acceptance of their body [22]: “Although
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MEN MANAGING BODY IMAGE AND APPEARANCE
I don’t have a particularly good body (i.e., muscles)
it has never bothered me.” For others, the cultural
ideal presents problems as they aspire to a muscular,
tall, and slim body. Men wrote about wanting to appear taller [9] and focused on wearing clothes that
increase the appearance of height (e.g., “Buying
shoes that increase my height gives me a more confident feeling”). They also wrote about wanting to
look muscular [19] and focused on the importance of
having muscular arms, a toned upper body, and an
athletic-looking body.
I have started to bulk out and put on weight and gain
more confidence about my body shape and have started
buying more tight-fitting clothing.
When I was doing weights, I felt confident enough to
buy a tank top; however, since I’ve stopped I feel more
reluctant to show off my arms in public.
A muscular body is clearly one to show off to others,
whereas a less developed physique is something to be
ashamed of.
I am not one to work out and, therefore, would not
consider wearing tight T-shirts that cling to upper arm
muscles and chest as they would make my body look
inadequate.
Finally, these men wrote about wanting to appear
slim [28] but not too thin [20] and used clothing to
manage this.
I tend to wear a great deal of black, which gives the
impression of slimness along with baggy clothing (i.e.,
jumpers, jeans).
Very rarely do I wear short-sleeved shirts as I am uncomfortable with my arms, which I believe to be too
thin.
These men use clothing to modify and manage the
appearance of their bodies depending on how well it
currently fits with the ideal. Our data suggest that
muscularity and not being over- or underweight play
an important role in men’s decisions about clothing.
Men’s clothing practices reflect their concerns and
anxieties about their appearance and how others will
evaluate their body.
Discussion
Challenging the idea that men have little invested
in their appearance, our participants deliberately and
strategically use clothing to manipulate their appearance to meet cultural ideals of masculinity. They vary
the color, texture, pattern, fit, and size of garments to
appear slimmer, taller, bigger, or more muscular than
45
they believe their actual body shape to be. Clothing is
an everyday body-modification practice that may not
be as dramatic or permanent as plastic surgery and
exercise but requires knowledge, attention, and financial resources. Further research is needed to map
these processes in more detail. We know little about
the time and energy men spend shopping for, selecting, and maintaining clothes. How do men acquire
the knowledge to be able to skillfully alter their appearance using different styles of clothing, and what
role do style magazines and significant others play in
socializing men into appearance regimes? Although
our data suggest that men’s practices are flexible and
varied, we know little about how they make decisions
about how to present their bodies in different contexts and in relation to different audiences.
In addition, although some men express acceptance and admiration of their bodies, for many there
is a battle being fought with a less than acceptable
body in which clothing is a necessary armor. Our data
raise questions for psychologists interested in body
image. Body image is typically conceptualized as an
internal and enduring “essence,” but our data suggest
that it is fluid, contradictory, and constantly renegotiated. Men’s subjective experience of their body image shifts constantly between, for example, “fat
days” and “thin days” and when different aspects of
the body may become salient. Men might emphasize
parts of the body of which they feel proud and hide
aspects of the body of which they feel ashamed.
Global measures of body satisfaction may not adequately capture men’s lived experience of their bodies. Our data reveal gaps in current understandings of
body image and clothing practices, but it has not
allowed us to explore these in detail. We know little
about how these processes operate or how they might
operate differently for diverse groups of men. For
example, do pressures to conform to an ideal masculine body have more impact on some groups than
others? Our sample was skewed toward young men
and our findings may not apply equally to all ages,
although research on age differences in body image is
currently inconclusive (e.g., Pliner, Chaiken, & Flett,
1990; Lamb, Jackson, Cassiday, & Priest, 1993). We
have also been unable to explore the ways in which
these practices might intersect with other aspects of
identity such as race, class, or sexual orientation.
However, previous work suggests that gay men, for
example, value aspects of physical appearance highly
(Sergios & Cody, 1985–1986) and spend more
money on clothing than do heterosexual men (Rudd,
1996). We also do not know whether those who are
diagnosed as having pathological relationships to
their bodies (the anorexic, the compulsive exerciser)
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46
FRITH AND GLEESON
share the same knowledge, expertise, and clothing
practices as average men. Clearly, there is scope for
further research exploring the appearance-management strategies of those with and without pathological relationships to their bodies.
Finally, it is clear from our data that men feel they
should express uninterest in their appearance. Relying on a volunteer sample might have meant that we
accessed only those men who have a specific interest
in clothing; however, when asked directly, the men in
our study often denied the importance of the body in
their clothing practices. Men’s reluctance to be too
interested in appearance and fashion may reflect attempts to distance themselves from stereotypes that
position women as fashion dupes who squeeze themselves into ill-fitting or ridiculously uncomfortable
clothing and men who are interested in fashion as
effeminate. If “appearances have an added importance for the gay community” (cf. Edwards, 2000, p.
139), then men may need to signal not only their
masculinity but also their heterosexuality in a way
that women do not. The men in our study are aware
of the appraising audience that observes and evaluates their appearance, but do men dress for a potential
sexual partner (only two units of our data referred to
dressing to be attractive to women) or the appraising
look of other men? In view of the increasing objectification and sexualization of the male body, further
research is needed to explore the ways in which men
negotiate the competing demands placed on them to
be both mindful and unconcerned about their appearance. Furthermore, such research should consider the
ways in which these demands might intersect with
other aspects of identity (i.e., race, class, sexual orientation) and different audiences (e.g., work colleagues, sexual partners, friends).
Researchers who focus on clothing practices rarely
explore embodiment, and those studying body image
rarely look at clothing practices. However, our data
demonstrate that dressing is an embodied practice;
men are aware of and concerned about how their
body will appear to others, and they strategically use
clothing to alter and manipulate their appearance.
Clothing as an appearance-management technique
for men has been underresearched, and our study
demonstrates that it is an area worthy of more attention. However, men’s ambivalence about their clothing practices suggests that quantitative measures may
fail to capture their interest in and concerns about
clothing practices, and that qualitative methods may
enable the researcher to explore these contradictions
more fully. We hope that this article goes some way
toward demonstrating the pervasive yet mundane nature of men’s self-surveillance and self-presentation
and the range and complexity of the processes involved in clothing the body and displaying the visual
self.
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(Appendix follows)
Body shape does matter.
We shouldn’t care too much
about appearance.
The shape of my body is
irrelevant.
I want to look good.
I want clothes that flatter the
body.
I respond to fashion.
I am not a fashion victim.
I don’t want to appear vain.
Using clothes to look attractive
is not an issue for men.
My personal style is important.
I want to look tidy.
Clothes affect people’s
judgments.
I want my clothes to reflect my
images.
Real men shouldn’t
care about how they look.
Clothing is used to hide the
body.
Men have nothing to hide.
I have mixed feelings about
displaying the body.
I want to display the body.
I use clothes to emphasize
particular features of the
body.
Clothing choices are linked to
confidence.
Age affects clothing choice
Clothing is used to reflect a
desire to blend in.
Clothing can reflect shyness.
Clothes are used to conceal
or reveal.
Clothing reflects acceptance of
the body.
I want to appear taller.
I want to look muscular.
I want to appear slim.
I am concerned with not
appearing too thin.
I want to look masculine.
I wanting to appear
heterosexual.
Continuity in apppearance is
valued.
I like labels.
I hate labels.
I use smaller clothes to motivate
weight loss.
I want to be attractive to women
Clothing can reflect not being
smart
There is pressure from others
about appearance.
Clothes are used to fit a cultural
ideal.
Miscellaneous
Overlapping and specificity of
the questions
Shoes and accessories
Style and color
Cross-dressing
Cultural aspects of clothing
Is it the body or the clothes that
make the difference
Male image as
holistic
Received April 1, 2002
Revision received April 21, 2003
Accepted June 15, 2003 䡲
Note. The themes are grouped according to order in which they appear in text. Themes that were associated with a large number of text units are shown in bold. Themes that received
few mentions are shown in plain type.
Comfort is a priority.
Clothes must fit well.
Clothes must be functional.
Cost of clothes is important.
Physical size imposes
limitations.
Clothes are used to
communicate about roles.
Men are very practical in
choosing their clothes.
Appendix
Complete Set of Themes Identified
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