Using the study conducted in “Skin color as a factor in the racial identification of Negro preschool children. Journal of Social Psychology“
“Discuss this study. What did it tell us about the impact of discrimination and segregation? How did this impact Brown versus Board of education? Make sure your paper has references and is written in APA format. It should at least one page in length” The study will be attached as well as the reference:
Clark, K. B., & Clark, M. K. (1940). Skin color as a factor in racial identification of Negro preschool children. Journal of Social Psychology, 11(1), 159-169.
The Journal of Social Psychology, S.P.S.S.1. Bulletin, 1940, 11, 159-169.
SKIN COLOR AS A FACTOR IN RACIAL IDENTIFICATION OF NEGRO PRESCHOOL CHILDREN
Departments of Psychology, Columbia University and Howard University
KENNETH B . CLARK AND MAMIE K . CLARK
Racial identification has been assumed to be indicative of a phase
in the development of consciousness of self. Horowitz (2) conceives of the beginnings of race consciousness as a function of egodevelopment. The authors (1) also assumed racial identification
to be indicative of particularized self-consciousness. An investigation of the factors inherent in the genesis of racial identification
would obviously lead to an understanding of the dynamics of selfconsciousness and its social determinants.
In a preceding paper the authors (1) presented results of an
investigation of age and sex factors in racial identification. The
present paper is an attempt to determine the influence of skin
color as another factor in racial identification of Negro preschool
children. Methodology, experimental procedure and subjects are
identical with those used in the preceding investigation. However,
the subjects are here divided, on the basis of skin color, into three
groups; light, medium, dark. Moreover, only choices of white
and colored boy are included in the analysis of results, excluding
irrelevant choices (lion, dog, clown, hen) of some of the three-yearolds. It seems necessary to state that the experimenter who actually
worked with the children was medium brown in skin color. This
was fortunate in that it tended to neutralize the probable influence of
an extremely light or dark investigator on the responses of the
children.
When the data presented in Table 1 are analyzed for choices of the
colored boy, it is found that the light children chose the colored
boy 36.5 per cent, the medium children 52.6 per cent and the
dark children 56.4 per cent. This shows a consistent increase
(approaching statistical significance) in choices of the colored boy
from the light to the medium group {CR 2.69). From the medium
to the dark group the increase is negligible {CR 0.76). But from
the light to the dark group there is a statistically significant increase
in choices of the colored boy {CR 3.15).
159
160
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
TABLE 1
CHOICES OF LIGHT, MEDIUM, AND DARK CHILDREN
ON THE PICTURE SERIES
Light*
No. of
choices
%
Colored boy
White boy
31
48
36.5
56.5
IN
Medium**
No. of
choices
%
102
81
52.6
41.7
THE
TOTAL
GROUP
Dark***
No. of
choices
%
92
66
56.4
40.5
•30 children, •*66 children, •**54 children.
Analyzing the data for choices of the white boy, there is a decrease
in these choices from the light to the medium group {CR 2.38).
The decrease is not statistically significant from the medium to the
dark group {CR 0.16). However, from the light to the dark
group the decrease in choices of the white boy is striking (CR 4.57).
An analysis of the data from the point of view of differences
between the percentage of choices of white and colored boy by each
skin color group shows an increase in choice of colored boy over
white boy, proceeding from the light through the medium to the
dark group. The light group made 20.0 per cent more choices of
the white boy than of the colored boy (a —20.0 per cent choice of
the colored boy; CR 2.77). The medium group chose tbe colored
boy 10.9 per cent more than the white boy {CR 1.25) and the
dark group made 15.9 per cent more choices in favor of the
colored boy {CR 2.52). It is interesting tbat the bigbest difference
in percentage of choices is found in the light group in favor of the
white boy. The significance of tbis analysis remains, however, in
the increase in percentage differences in favor of the colored boy
proceeding from the light through the medium to the dark group.
Tbe data from Table 1 show an almost reciprocal picture for
choices of tbe extreme skin color groups of ligbt and dark, identification of light children more with pictures of the white boy, and
identification of dark children more with pictures of the colored
boy. This would seem to establish the factor of skin color as an
important one in the genesis of consciousness of self and racial
identification.
The fact that light children chose the white boy many more times
than the colored boy suggests an identification of self, not on the
basis of socially defined racial group differences, but on the basis of
physical characteristics witbin tbe specific racial group. That tbe
KENNETH B. CLARK AND MAMIE K. CLARK
161
same tbing holds true in the otber extreme group of dark children
can be safely assumed. It may be stated that consciousness of self
as different from others on the basis of observed skin color precedes
any consciousness of self in terms of socially defined group differences
in these Negro children.
The fact tbat tbe medium group closely resembles the dark group
in making more cboices of the colored boy than of the white boy
seems to indicate that the same dynamics involved in the identifications of the dark children are operative in the identifications of the
medium children. A fact wbich should be noted is that tbe classification of the medium group was more difficult and resulted in greater
heterogeneity of subjects in respect to skin color. This would not,
bowever, explain why the medium group aligned itself, with respect
to choices, with the dark group rather than witb tbe light group.
It is quite possible tbat this difference could be explained through
an analysis of the ligbt group. Tbe factors resulting in a cleavage
of this group from the other two groups might be inherent in the
characteristics of the light group itself. This point of view finds
some justification if the results are viewed as indicative of the light
group’s deviation from the norm of cboices of the other two groups.
If so, tben the extreme lightness of skin color must be conceived
as marking off a distinctive group rather tban as a mere difference
in degree from tbe medium and the dark skin colors, and this fact
responsible for the observed cleavage.
The results show clearly that an analysis of subjects upon the
basis of skin color may not assume that the difference between tbe
medium skin color group and the light group is equal to that between
tbe medium and the dark group in reference to tbe inherent dynamics
involved, in spite of tbe seemingly observed objective differences.
In the light of this rather definite result furtber analysis of tbese
tbree groups is necessary before any real explanation or conclusion
may be drawn. It is possible that otber factors (age and sex) might
have influenced the above mentioned results.
An analysis of tbe data for sex differentials disclosed one deviation from the results already presented; namely, the light males
made more choices of tbe colored boy (58.6%) than of the white
boy (41.3%). This result appears to be contrary to the general
trend of tbe influence of the skin color factor on identifications.
The small number of cases, 11, bowever, in tbis group of ligbt boys
as compared with tbe medium, 39, and dark, 25, groups of boys
162
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
probably explains the existence of this deviation. Because of the
small number of cases in each category of a male-female breakdown
according to both skin color and age levels, it seemed advisable to
mass all of the cases vi^ithout regard to sex differences. This was
done in spite of the fact that it was previously suggested (1) that
the dynamics of the identification of brothers and cousins by the
girls was somewhat different from those operative in the boys’
identification of themselves. This possibility, however, does not
appear to affect seriously the basis of the present analysis especially
when it is seen that the medium and dark groups of males (with
larger numbers of subjects) do not deviate from the general trend
of the results from all subjects.
The male medium group chose in favor of the colored boy
(56.1%) rather than the white boy (43.8%). The male dark
group chose the colored boy 64.3 per cent and the white boy 35.6
per cent.
In spite of the small number of cases in the light group at each
age, some trends for the three groups may be seen from Table 2.
TABLE 2
CHOICES
OF LIGHT,
MEDIUM,
AND DARK CHILDREN
PICTURE SERIES
AT EACH
AGE
ON
THE
Dark
No.*
%
Three-year-olds
Colored boy
9
34.6
19
32.2
White boy
11
42.3
29
49.1
**9 children. ***20 ch ildren, ****21 children.
33
25
52.3
39.6
Four-year-olds
Colored boy
8
34.7
54
15
65.1
26
White boy
**9 children, ***27 chi ldren, »***14 children.
67.5
32.5
19
24
44.1
55.8
Five-year-olds
14
38.8
29
52.7
Colored boy
22
61.1
26
47.2
White boy
**12 children ^ »»»19 children, ****19 children.
40
17
70.1
29.8
Light **
%
No.»
Medium***
No.*
%
At the three-year level, both the light and medium groups made
more choices of the white boy than of the colored boy. The percentage differences in favor of the white boy are 7.7 per cent for the
light group {CR insignificant) and 16.9 per cent for the medium
group {CR 2.64). On the other hand the dark three-year-olds
KENNETH B. CLARK AND MAMIE K. CLARK
163
made more choices of the colored boy than of the white boy {CR
1.47). It would appear that the extreme groups of light and dark
children are beginning to identify themselves on the basis of their
own skin color, whereas the medium group seems influenced by other
factors in making identifications of self. It may be that these medium
three-year-olds, not being on the extremes of skin color, have not
yet reached the developmental level of self consciousness where
identification of self is in terms of skin color. The apparent nonidentification of the medium three-year-olds on the basis of their
skin color as the determining cue is probably primarily due to the
lack of definiteness of their own skin color when compared with the
presented line drawings. On the other hand, the apparent trend of
the medium three-year-old children may be due to the greater
heterogeneity of skin colors in this classification—an overweighting
of this group with children “lighter than” others in the same skin
color classification.
At the four-year level the light group again makes more choices
of-the white boy than of the colored boy (CR 2.37). However, the
picture is changed for the medium and dark groups at this age. The
medium group makes significantly more choices of the colored boy
than of the white boy (CR 4.79). The dark group makes more
choices of the white boy than of the colored boy {CR 1.10).
The persistence of the light group in identifying with the white
boy and the increase in statistical significance of this difference at
the four-year level further emphasizes identification of these children
on the basis of their own skin color. The reversed trend of the
medium group at this age level as compared with the three-year
medium group and the statistical significance of their identifications
in favor of the colored boy {CR 4.79) indicates the attainment of a
developmental stage where identifications are now made in terms
of awareness of skin color differences, particularly differentiating
themselves from the light group.
A possible explanation of the tendency of dark four-year-old
children to make identifications in favor of the white boy {CR 1.10)
is that these children are conscious of being dark or of being different
from the light children, but make identifications of themselves in a
direction indicating “wishful thinking” by pointing to the white
boy. The fact that the difference in choice in favor of the white
boy is not more impressive statistically than it is would seem to call
for more evidence.
164
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
The five-year-old light children are still consistent in identifying
themselves more with the white boy than with the colored boy
{CR 2.16). The three-, four- and five-year-old light children have
consistently made a greater percentage of identifications of themselves with the white boy. The percentage of choices of the white
boy increases from the three-year (42.3%) to the four-year level
(65.1%) but decreases slightly at the five-year level (61.1%). This
slight decrease in choice of the white boy by the light five-year-olds is,
of course, concomitant with a slight increase in choice of colored boy.
This slight trend may point in the direction of identifications on the
basis of socially defined race; a developmental stage subsequent to
identification on the basis of their own physical characteristics.
Although the five-year-old medium children make more choices
of the colored boy than of the white boy the difference is entirely
insignificant statistically as compared with the difference in favor
of the colored boy at the four-year level {CR 4.79). In order to
understand the decreased difference in choice of colored boy over
white boy of the five-year medium group as compared with the
four-year medium group, it is necessary to keep in mind two facts;
{a) the general instability of choices of the medium group as compared with the light and the dark group, and {b) the indicated
lesser sensitiveness of the technique for the five-year-olds as contrasted
with its sensitiveness for the three- and four-year-olds (1).
For the dark five-year-olds the choice of colored boy over white
boy is striking {CR 21.21). In choices of the colored boy the data
show an insignificant drop from the three-year (52.3%) to the fouryear level (44.1%) {CR .0$) and a sharp rise from the four-year
to the five-year level (70.1%) {CR 3.42). Indications of the
operation of the mechanism of “wishful thinking” were found to
some extent only in the four-year-old dark children (choices were
in favor of the white boy). This mechanism was not indicated to
any appreciable extent in the three-year-olds, suggesting the possibility that the operation of the mechanisms of “wishful thinking”
and phantasies in reference to self identification is too sophisticated
an operation for the three-year-old developmental level. The fiveyear-old dark children seem to have abandoned almost entirely
“wishful thinking” in favor of identifications based on the concrete
fact of their own skin color.
When cases of children making consistent choices of either the
KENNETH B. CLARK AND MAMIE K. CLARK
165
white boy or the colored boy (that is, choosing either boy consistently throughout the series of three pairs of line drawings of
colored and white boys) are taken from the total group for analysis,
the same trends for the skin color groups already discussed are even
more evident.
Of the total group of 150 Negro children, 58 or 38.66 per cent
were consistent in their choice of either the colored or the white
boy.^ Age was found not to be a factor in consistency of response
since 40.0 per cent of the three-year-olds, 36.0 per cent of the fouryear-olds and 40.0 per cent of the five-year-olds were consistent.
Of the 30 light children in the total group of 150 children 47.0
per cent were consistent; 26.0 per cent of the medium children were
consistent; and 50.0 per cent of the dark children were consistent.
This lower percentage of consistent medium children again indicates
the general instability and vacillation of choices of the medium colored
children.
TABLE 3
CHOICES OF CONSISTENT CHILDREN IN REFERENCE TO SKIN COLOR
Consistent
children
14 light
17 medium
27 dark
White boy
No. of
children
%
10
71.4
5
29.4
8
29.6
Colored boy
No. of
children
%
4
28.5
12
70.5
19
70.3
These data show that the consistent light children were choosing
the white boy more than the colored boy by an appreciable percentage.
The consistent medium children and the consistent dark children
chose the colored boy over the white boy to the same degree as the
light children did the reverse. This clearly substantiates the foregoing results from percentage of total choices.
The analysis of the data in terms of age levels for each consistent
skin color group shows insufScient cases for presentation of the
results in percentages. However, the general trend can be seen
when the results are shown by the number of consistent children, as
in Table 4.
Data in this table further substantiate the fact that skin color
That is, choosing the same boy (white or colored) three out of three times.
166
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
TABLE 4
DIRECTION OF CONSISTENCY OF LIGHT, MEDIUM, AND DARK CHILDREN AT EACH
AGE LEVEL
No. of children for
Colored boy
White boy
“Consistent” Light Children: (No. = 14)
3-year
2
2
4-year
1
4
5-year
1 «= 4
4 n = 10
“Consistent” Medium Children: (No. = 17)
3-year
1
3
4-year
8
0
5-year
3 n = 12
2n = S
“Consistenf Dark Children: (No. =
3-year
9
4-year
2
5-year
8 n = 19
27)
3
3
2n = 8
is a determinant in self identification of these children, with the same
exception of the three-year-old medium children already noted above.
DISCUSSION
Horowitz (2) states that Negro children’s identifications of themselves with the line drawings and pictures of white children could
possibly be interpreted as “wishful activity,” or as identifying one’s
self “not so much in terms of what one is as . . . in terms of what one
is not.” It is clear that the consistent identifications of the light
children with the white boy strongly point in the direction of an
awareness of self in terms of a concrete physical characteristic such
as skin color. While it is still possible that the factor of “wishful
activity” may be of some influence here in a few instances, it seems,
however, too great an abstraction, in the face of the predominant
concrete clue of the actual skin color of the light subjects to be seriously considered as a determining factor in this instance. It is only
when the more concrete factors, e.g., dark skin color, would tend to
militate against a given choice that one would be justified in utilizing
intangible concepts for an interpretation of the results.
Although twice as many dark children were consistently choosing
the colored boy, eight of them were consistently choosing the white
boy. “Wishful activity” as an explanatory concept seems to be
more plausible here—but at best not a very strong point in the face
KENNETH B. CLARK AND MAMIE K. CLARK
167
of lack of information concerning the effects of other factors on
consciousness of self and racial identification; namely, intelligence and
an understanding by the subjects of the concept of difference.
In a preliminary supplementary study an attempt was made by
the authors to determine the number of children who were able to
verbalize the actual skin color difference in the drawings of the
white and colored boy. The aw^areness of this difference was expressed by the subjects’ pointing to the drawings and saying something as follows: “He’s white—and he’s colored” or “A black boy—
a white boy.” Among the four children positively indicating a skin
color difference in this supplementary study and at the same time
consistently choosing the white boy in the picture series three were
light and one was medium. This result, if substantiated by a more
extensive investigation, would definitely rule out “wishful activity”
as an explanation of the choices of the white boy by these Negro
children in the one instance in which it at present seems most
applicable. Then too, the operation of “wishful activity” involves
the following two factors: (a) The negation of concrete determinants
of the self, and (/») an evaluation of alternatives and a definite decision as to the better of the two. This, in the light of the observed
behavior of the children, seems wholly outside of their present scope.
In general, these results give little evidence of the operation of
“wishful activity” in the identifications of the subjects and show
clearly that identification of oneself is in terms of what one is rather
than “what one is not.”
Horowitz (2) states: “Judging from the choices of the children
and their verbal comments, one may conclude that identification with
the correct picture indicates an awareness of one’s own skin color
as a factor of differentiation and similarity.” If this awareness of
one’s own skin color is actually a level of self consciousness preceding
consciousness of socially defined racial differences, one would expect
these light children to identify themselves with pictures of white
children. Any interpretation of data in terms of correct identifications, i.e., identifications of Negro children with pictures of colored
children, disguises significant findings. The fact that identification
of the light children with pictures of the white boy is an indication of
awareness of self in terms of one’s own skin color is supported in this
study by: {a) The fact that at all ages the light children made more
choices of the white boy than of the colored boy; {b) the fact that
168
JOURNAL OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
light children showed a sharp increase in identification with the white
hoy from the three- to the four-year level and maintained this increase
at the five-year level; (c) the fact that 10 out of 14 light children
making consistent choices in the picture series chose the white hoy
rather than the colored hoy; {d) the fact that of children verbally indicating a skin color or racial difference between the colored and
white boys (supplementary study) and at the same time consistently
choosing the white boy in the picture series, three out of the four were
light in skin color.
The general tendency of the dark children to identify themselves
with the drawings of the colored boy is not incompatible with the
objective fact of their own skin color. This same thing holds true
of the medium children with certain already stated modifications.
There would be, however, a definite incompatibility if the majority
of light children identified themselves with the drawings of the
colored boy, hence the persistence of their identifications with the
white boy. It is obvious that these children are not identifying on
the basis of “race” because “race” is a social concept which they
learn at a higher stage in their development. They are, however,
definitely identifying on the basis of their own skin color which is
to them a concrete reality.
The results indicate a slight trend for the light children to make
identifications contrary to the objective clue of their own skin color.
This paradox increases with age and can best be interpreted as the
approach to another developmental stage in the consciousness of
self. At this stage it appears that concepts of self gleaned from
the concrete physical characteristics of perceived self become modified
by social factors, taking on a new definition in the light of these
social factors.
The implications of these results seem pertinent to an understanding of the genesis of the personality in general and “personality of
minority peoples” in particular. Whatever the concepts of self
in relation to society as found in Negro adolescents and adults,
whether they result in adjustments or conflicts, they are certainly to
be conceived as part of a total pattern of development in which
these findings are primordial.
KENNETH B. CLARK AND MAMIE K. CLARK
169
REFERENCES
1.
CLARK, K . B., & CLARK, M . K .
The development of consciousness of
self and the emergence of racial identification in Negro preschool
children. J. Soc. PsychoL, 1939, 10, 591-599.
2. HOROWITZ, R. E . Racial aspects of self-identification in nursery school
children. / . of PsychoL, 1939, 7, 91-99.
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New York City
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